План Либермана

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#redirect [[:ej:План Либермана]]
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| ДАТА СОЗДАНИЯ  =27/11/2011
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'''План Либермана''', также известный в [[Израиль|Израиле]] как "План обмена территорией и населением", был предложен в мае 2004 года [[Либерман, Авигдор|Авигдором Либерманом]], лидером израильской партии [[НДИ]]. План предполагает обмен ''населенными территориями'' - территориями, населенными как арабами, так и евреями - между Израилем и [[Палестинская автономия|Палестинской автономией]].
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== Общие положения ==
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[[Файл:Large 203966.jpg|250px|left|thumb|Авигдор Либерман]]
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Либерман утверждает, что везде в мире, где есть [в одной стране] два народа с двумя религиями существует конфликт, и отмечает, что в [[Палестино-израильский конфликт|Палестино-израильский конфликт]], ситуация еще хуже, поскольку есть не только религиозный конфликт, но и националистический.
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Таким образом, предложение основано на "понижении конфликта" и утверждает, что два народа могли бы жить вместе, но не имеет смысла жить одному внутри другого. Помимо этого, Либерман утв
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ерждает, что не имеет никакого смысла создавать палестинское государство, в котором не будет евреев в то время, как Израиль превратится в двунациональное государство с более чем 20% национальных меньшинств.<ref name=haaretz>{{Cite news | title = Avigdor Lieberman Q&A | work = Haaretz| accessdate = 2008-07-13 | url = http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/pages/QAHeb.jhtml?qaNo=135}} {{he icon}}</ref>
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В целом, [[Арабы Израиля|израильские арабы]] выступают против плана, и многие считают, что он расистский.<ref>{{cite news |publisher=[[Ynet News]] |date=2007-04-06 |title=Arab fury: Lieberman stain on democracy |url=http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3237363,00.html}}</ref><ref name="Israeli Arabs and the Vote">[http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/03/23/opinion/eddromi.php Israeli Arabs and the Vote] International Herald Tribune, 24 March 2006</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Bibi Backs Away From Lieberman Plan|newspaper=The Jewish Week|date=September 29, 2010|url=http://www.thejewishweek.com/news/brief/bibi_backs_away_lieberman_plan|accessdate=March 25, 2011}}</ref> Израильские левые выступают против плана. Юридические эксперты ставят под сомнение законность такого шага под израильскому и международному праву.
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== План ==
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План Либермана предполагает территориальный обмен, при котором Израиль аннексирует почти все [[Израильские поселения в Иудее и Самарии|израильские поселения в Иудее и Самарии]], расположенные в крупных блоках поселений вблизи границы, и уйдёт из оставшихся нескольких, находящихся глубоко внутри палестинских территорий. В то же время палестинскому государству будут переданы арабо-израильские районы.<ref name=haaretz/>
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Хотя есть три основных арабских региона в Израиле, все смежные с [[Западный берег|Западным берегом]] (южная и центральная [[Галилея]], центральная область, известная как "[[треугольник]]» и [[бедуин]]ский регион в северной части пустыни [[Негев]]), план Либермана защищает только уступку [[треугольник]]а. Все арабские жители [[треугольник]]а потеряют израильское гражданство. [[Друзы|Друзская]] общинаа, которая является произраильской, останется частью Израиля. Все остальные граждане, будь то евреи или арабы, должны будут дать присягу на верность государству, чтобы сохранить свое израильское гражданство.<ref>[http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/video/2009/feb/04/1 Video including Lieberman's position on Arabs in Israel]</ref>
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План позволит сократить как арабское население Израиля, так и еврейское населения Западного берега, создавая более этнически однородные государства без каких-либо переселений.<ref name="Timothy Waters">{{cite web|author=Timothy Waters|publisher=Available at SSRN|date=2007-01-21|title=The Blessing of Departure - Exchange of Populated Territories, The Lieberman Plan as an Abstract Exercise in Demographic Transformation|url=http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=958469}}</ref> Различные оценки относительно числа арабов-израильтян, которые пострадают от плана варьируется от 90% нынешних израильских арабов по собственной оценке Либермана до всего лишь 11,8% арабских граждан (2,3% населения Израиля в целом) по исследованию Института политических исследований Флоершеймера.<ref name="Timothy Waters"/>
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== Аргументы Либермана за план ==
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Главным аргументом Либермана за план является то, что (как он утверждает) это ''''' не'''''  трансфер населения, так как план не требует какого-либо насильственного выселения кого-либо из его дома. План, вместо этого, просто перерисовывает границу между палестинской и израильской общинами, чтобы сделать их более однородными (например, соседние арабских общины должны быть включены в палестинской территории, в то время как соседние еврейские территории будут включены в Израиль).
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В открытом интервью ''[[Гаарец]]'' Либерман отметил, что очень важно иметь партнера с арабской стороны и заявил, что он передал свой ​​план палестинцам и арабским государствам до его обнародования в Израиле. Либерман заявил о своем убеждении, что арабский мир понимает, что его план будет в интересах региона и обратил внимание, что нет никаких осуждений этого плана от палестинцев и арабского мира.<ref Name="haaretz"/>
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== Опрос жителей Умм-эль-Фахм ==
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{{bar box
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|float=left
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|title=Обзор среди жителей Ум Аль-Фахм
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|caption=Источник: "Куль аль-араб" ("Арабский голос"), 2000 <ref name="AlArab"/>
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{{bar percent|Предпочитают присоединиться к палестинскому государству|green|11}}
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{{bar percent|Предпочитают остатся под израильской юрисдикцией|teal|83}}
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{{bar percent|Не имеют мнения|gray|6}}
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{{bar box
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|title=Респонденты, которые против присоединения к будущему палестинскому государству
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|caption=Источник: "Куль аль-араб" ("Арабский голос"), 2000 <ref name="AlArab"/>
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{{bar percent|Предпочитают остаться в демократическом режиме с высокими стандартами жизни|green|54}}
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{{bar percent|Довольны существующей ситуацией|darkgreen|18}}
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{{bar percent|Не хотят быть принесены в жертву ради создания палестинского государства|teal|14}}
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{{bar percent|Не привели аргументов|gray|11}}
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}}
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In July 2000, Raja Aghbariya, a resident of [[Umm Al-Fahm]] in the "Triangle" and  head of [[Abnaa el-Balad]], was interviewed in the Arab-language weekly ''[[Kul Al-Arab]]''. Aghbariya said he is "prepared to give up the National Insurance allowance and Israeli democracy to be united with the land and people of Palestine." However this view is not shared by most residents of Um Al-Fahm.<ref name="AlArab"/>
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In a survey from July 2000 conducted by ''Kul Al-Arab'' among 1,000 residents of Um Al-Fahm, 83% of respondents opposed the idea of transferring their city to Palestinian jurisdiction, while 11% supported the proposal and 6% did not express their position.<ref name="AlArab">Kul Al-Arab (Nazareth, Israel), July 28, 2000, cited in "Um Al-Fahm Prefers Israel", by Joseph Algazy, Ha'aretz, Aug 1, 2000. Online copy available [http://www.memri.org/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/0/358.htm] </ref>
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54% said that they were opposed because they wanted to continue living under a democratic regime and enjoying a good standard of living. This included 18% who said that they were satisfied with their present situation, and that they were born in Israel and that they were not interested in moving to any other state, 14% who said that they were not prepared to make sacrifices for the creation of a Palestinian state, and 11% who gave no reason.<ref name="AlArab"/>
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==Views of the Islamic Movement==
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The deputy leader of the [[Islamic Movement in Israel|Islamic Movements]] northern branch, Sheikh Kamel Khatib, said of the Lieberman plan that the only acceptable population exchange for him would be for the Russian-born Lieberman to: "return to his country while refugees in Syria and Lebanon return to their homeland."<ref>{{cite news|title=Islamic Movement: Israeli Arabs will reject peace achieved by current PA leaders|author=Haaretz Service|newspaper=Haaretz|date=25.09.10|url=http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/islamic-movement-israeli-arabs-will-reject-peace-achieved-by-current-pa-leaders-1.315626|accessdate=14.12.10}}</ref>
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==Feasibility==
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According to Waters, "objections about feasibility ... are really not based on a belief that transfer is impossible, but a conviction that it is undesirable."<ref name="Timothy Waters"/>
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The Plan conforms with generalized support both inside and outside of Israel for a [[two-state solution]].  Supporters within Israel seek a state that is both democratic and Jewish, the Lieberman Plan would achieve this goal.  For those that believe that the ideal solution to the Israel-Arab conflict would be greater separation between Jews and Arabs, this plan would certainly achieve such a goal.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.12.</ref>  The Plan also minimizes the population of the minority in each state, which can be viewed (in the case of either minority) as “untrustworthy, unwanted, destabilizing, disruptive or simply different”.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.14.</ref>  Demographically the plan creates two States which are more ethnically homogeneous, and likely would achieve the political goals of both the Palestinian and Israeli leadership. In sum, according to Waters: “It is entirely plausible that the Plan could contribute to peace, if peace could be achieved through a greater separation of Jews and Palestinians.  That is, after all, the assumption underlying all two-state solutions.”<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.14-15.</ref>
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However, most assumptions about feasibility, including Waters', assume that the Plan would result from a multi-lateral agreement.  At the present, there does not seem to be support for it from a willing Palestinian partner, thus decreasing the likelihood that it would be successful in achieving peace.
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==Legality==
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Several issues of legality arise under the Lieberman Plan: the transfer of territory, revoking the citizenship of a people (i.e the Arabs) - either through transfer of territory or a loyalty oath, and the gaining of new territory (settlement blocs in the West Bank). Timothy Waters writes that the plan can be creatively imagined as a [[secession]] - as if Israel was seceding from its present borders to smaller borders where the Jews have a larger majority.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.33.</ref>
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===Transfer of territory===
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Generally speaking, land transfer, as opposed to population transfer, is legal under both [[International law|International]] and [[Israeli law]].  The Israeli precedent was exemplified in 1979 when Israel agreed to transfer the Sinai Desert in exchange for [[Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty|peace with Egypt]]. The issue that arises with this plan is the transfer of populated territories and the revocation of citizenship for those in the transferred areas.<ref name="Timothy Waters"/>  Even this, in principle, seems to be legal under international law.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.33.</ref>
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===Revocation of citizenship through transfer of territory===
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A number of legal experts questioned by the ''[[Jerusalem Post]]'' in 2006 argued that stripping Israeli Arabs of citizenship as part of a population and territorial swap with the [[Palestinian Authority]] would "run counter to Israeli and international law".<ref name=jpost_legal>{{cite news
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|url=http://www.jpost.com/Home/Article.aspx?id=17121
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|title=Lieberman's land swap plan illegal
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|first=Tovah |last=Lazaroff
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|date=2006-03-06
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|publisher=[[Jerusalem Post]]}}</ref>  They stated that Israel could decide that the "Triangle", which is populated mostly by Israeli Arabs, is no longer part of Israel but that she could not revoke the citizenship of the people living there. However, others questioned in the same report, including parliamentary and constitutional law teacher, Suzie Navot, argued that the legality of the plan was unclear, and would likely need a ruling from the High Court of Justice to determine its legality.<ref name=jpost_legal/> ''Yisrael Beiteinu'''s legal adviser Yoav Many believes the plan is legal and "would be accepted not just in Israel but also within the international community."<ref name=jpost_legal/>
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Timothy Waters writes that the Plan, contrary to many arguments, is not an example of [[ethnic cleansing]] nor [[apartheid]] since it doesn't move any Arab from their land. He writes that states have the right to transfer (or withdraw from) territory, even against the wishes of the population, so long as other rights of the Arab population are not violated.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.21.</ref> He writes that Israel has the right (under [[international law]]) to revoke the citizenship of its Arab population, so long as the Arabs are not left stateless, because it is redrawing its borders. The Lieberman Plan doesn't advocates the affected Arab Israelis to become citizens of Palestine, not stateless, and hence doesn't violate [[1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness]].<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.21.</ref> Waters also argues that while a state cannot strip an entire ethnic group of their citizenship, it may practice some forms of ethnic discrimination "because ethnicity plays an accepted role in constructing citizenship". He points to the expulsion of black Senegalese from Mauritania, the stripping of northern Muslims of their citizenship by [[Ivory Coast]] and the [[Expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia|denationalization of Germans from Czechoslovakia]] (whose legality, he says, was later upheld in courts).<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.27-28.</ref> Waters also argues that while the transfer of Israeli Arabs to a Palestinian state would harm their interests (e.g. reduction in standard of life) it doesn't violate any of their human rights.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.31.</ref>
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While there are international precedents for the idea of populated land exchange, and international law seems to be favorable, there is no such precedent under Israeli law. Scholars tend to agree that the plan is, at best, questionable under Israeli law.  Currently, there is no Israeli law which would deal with this issue.<ref name="jpost_legal"/> In order for it to be implemented, the Knesset would have to enact legislation, and the High Court of Justice would rule on its legality. It is unlikely that either International or Israeli law would allow revocation of citizenship without a bilateral agreement with the Palestinian Authority.<ref>{{cite web|author=Arieli Shaul, Schwartz Doubi and Tagari Hadas|publisher=Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies|date=2006|title=Inustice and Folly: On the Proposals to cede Arab Localities from Israel to Palestine|url=http://www.fips.org.il/Site/p_publications/item_en.asp?doc=&iss=&iid=751}}</ref>
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===Revocation of citizenship through a citizenship oath===
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Individuals who would prefer to remain in Israel instead of becoming citizens of a Palestinian state would be able to move to Israel.  All citizens of Israel would be required to swear a loyalty oath to retain citizenship.  Those who refuse could remain in Israel as permanent residents.  The loyalty oath would apply to all citizens regardless of ethnicity. According to Timothy Waters “the loyalty oath almost certainly violates international law.” The rationale behind this is that international law sees citizenship as an automatic right.  Furthermore, those who refused to take the oath would be stateless, unlike those transferred under the population exchange part of the plan.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.43.</ref>
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===Annexation of West Bank settlements===
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Timothy Waters writes that while Israel does have the right to unilaterally withdraw its borders from Arab territory, it cannot unilaterally take territory in the West Bank (in particular the Israeli settlements there). While it would be legitimate for a sovereign Palestine to transfer territory to Israeli control, Palestine would be under no obligation to do so. Waters bases this on the argument that the West Bank and East Jerusalem constitute occupied territory.<ref>Timothy Waters, "The Blessing of Departure: Acceptable and Unacceptable State Support for Demographic Transformation: The Lieberman Plan to Exchange Populated Territories in Cisjordan", Law & Ethics of Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Art. 9, (2008), p.21.</ref>
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==Criticism==
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===Moral Arguments against the Plan===
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Most criticisms of the plan focus on the undesirability of separation as opposed to its infeasibility. Arab citizens of Israel have criticized the plan for being racist and are, in general, opposed to it.<ref>{{cite news |first=Greg |last=Myre |publisher=[[International Herald Tribune]] |date=2006-12-06 |title=Hard-line Israeli Minister Avigdor Lieberman courts controversy |url=http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/12/06/news/mideast.php}}</ref> While the plan would not require them to leave their homes, Arabs in Israel argue that they are native to the region and insist that as Israeli citizens, they deserve equal rights within the state, and should not be singled out by ethnic or religious background. Various polls show that Arabs in Israel in general do not wish to move to the [[West Bank]] or [[Gaza Strip|Gaza]] if a Palestinian state is created there.<ref name="Israeli Arabs and the Vote"/>
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Several Israeli left-wing commentators have argued against the plan as well. Jewish critics sympathetic to the idea of exchanging populated territories have argued that it would be preferable to do this as part of a comprehensive peace agreement. They point out that while Arabs under the plan would still be allowed to retain Israeli citizenship if they take an oath of allegiance, no reciprocal possibility exists.
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[[Akiva Eldar]] of ''Haaretz'' has said that the plan undermines the moral high ground of Israel.<ref name="Eldar">{{cite news |first=Akiva |last=Eldar |publisher=Haaretz |date=2006-10-30 |title=Let's hear it for the Haiders |url=http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/780996.html}}</ref> ''Ha'aretz'' has argued that the plan "is nothing but polite packaging that does not succeed in concealing its real aspiration: delegitimizing all the Arab citizens of Israel."<ref>{{cite news |publisher=Haaretz |date=2008-02-04 |title=Reject Lieberman |url=http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1061381.html}}</ref>
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[[Daniel Gordis]] wrote that the plan would send a message to the remaining Arab citizens that Israel doesn't really want them, and could permanently damage Jewish-Arab relations in Israel.<ref>Gordis, Daniel - ''Saving Israel: How the Jewish people can win a war that may never end''</ref>
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===Strategic Arguments against the Plan===
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Other pro-Arab commentators have expressed skepticism that such a land-and-population transfer would result in the withdrawal of Israeli settlers and, hence, IDF soldiers, from areas of Israeli residence in the Lieberman-envisioned Palestinian state.<ref>[http://www.palestinemonitor.org/spip/spip.php?article726 ''Land and Population Transfer'']</ref> Another concern is that Israeli zones within the West Bank will be subject to a security threat, putting the IDF at high risk to defend them.
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== Источники ==
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* [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lieberman_Plan Статья "Lieberman_Plan" в английском разделе Википедии]
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== Примечания ==
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{{reflist|2}}
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[[Category:Палестино-израильский конфликт]]
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[[Category:Попытки урегулирования арабо-израильского конфликта]]
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[[Category:Политика Израиля]]
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[[Category:Черновые материалы для работы]]
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[[Категория:Границы Израиля]]
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Текущая версия на 00:33, 31 мая 2013

  1. redirect ej:План Либермана
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